| Girija on Gyanendra |
|
|
|
| |||
|
"Would Gyanendra be still on the throne if he had only obeyed Girija’s advice?"
Simple Convictions (with an introduction by Kanak Mani Dixit) gives us insights into the mind of the octogenarian who doggedly stood for democracy when parties like UML and NC (Democratic) compromised and joined Gyanendra’s government. (It also has a rare picture of the young Girija with his beautiful wife Sushma, who tragically died in a kitchen-accident.) Above all, it invites the question we began with. With the 10 year old Maoist insurgency raging, Gyanendra had his best well-wisher in Girija, the man the king spared no effort in humiliating. In spite of the facts that Gyanendra’s security force directed their water-canons and lathi-charges against the physically feeble octogenarian and later on kept him confined to a room, Girija went out of his way to reform the king. After the Narayanhiti massacre, Girija highlighted that Gyanendra sat on the throne solely on the basis of the tragedy that occurred on that grisly Friday night. On January 2, 2003 in Sarlahi, Girija proclaimed to the gathered crowd, "The palace massacre of 28 Jestha 2058 has ended the family line of late Prithvi Narayan Shah and with it the traditional system of monarchy has ended. The culture of seeing the king as an incarnation of Lord Bishnu ended from that very day. I see the present king as the weakest in the history of Nepal’s monarchy." Gyanendra would have done well to recognise that his legitimacy depended merely on the mercy of the people, who don’t regard him as a deity. He was indeed "weak". However, Gyanendra didn’t heed Girija’s warning. Instead, he followed in the footsteps of his father Mahendra, who went directly to people to seek popularity. The king’s cronies, like the Home Minister Kamal Thapa and members of the State Council (Raj Parishad), organised felicitation programmes throughout the country. Girija notes rather sarcastically that for such a programme in Biratnagar, Gyanendra’s men had heavily decorated the statue of King Mahendra, but not that of Birendra. Felicitations led to more megalomania. Gyanendra sent his son, the crown prince Paras, on visits to ministries in Singha Darbar. Thus, Gyanendra’s hand-picked PM functioned as a mere figurehead. Like Mahendra, Gyanendra tried to split the parties. He had already succeeded in doing so to the NC, which had two factions, one under Girija and the other under Sher Bahadur Deuba. However, Gyanendra attempted to break up UML too by calling separately Madhav Nepal and KP Oli for talks in the palace. While Madhavji was in Sri Lanka, Gyanendra played with Oli, who evidently warmed up to the king’s carrot. Though UML didn’t split, Rastriya Prajatantra Party became three factions under Pashupati Shamsher, Surya Bahadur Thapa, and later Kamal Thapa. Gyanendra didn’t sincerely make an effort to solve the Maoist problem. However, he used it to legitimise his autocratic aim. Thus, when the Maoists silenced their guns on the night of January 29, 2003, Girija is suspicious, "The ceasefire was announced last night...I am wary that the monarchists and the Maoists may have joined hands. Since 1996, Maoist acts have weakened democracy and instigated the King to be more active. At present, the King and the Maoists seem to be singing the same tune." The alliance between Gyanendra and the Maoists went further. Both wanted to impose totalitarianism, but in their own way. Girija suspected that the Maoists demanded a constituent assembly (CA) election really to get rid of the 1990 constitution and to manipulate the new one to their taste. In the mean time, Gyanendra offered to lock up NC and other democratic leaders and rule with the help of the Maoists. Prachanda rejected that temptation only because he had his own plans for an authoritarian, communist rule. Of course, then the Maoists cleverly advocated republicanism. Still, at one time the Maoists seemed to have agreed to constitutional monarchy. If so, the 1990 constitution, with a few amendments, could have served the nation well. Thus, Girija saw conspiracy in both the monarchists and the Maoists agreeing to a CA election. Against the king and the Maoists, Girija repeatedly (at least in three speeches) stuck to his five democratic demands: (1) no agreement that undermines the achievements of the 1990 Popular Movement and weakens the people’s rights, (2) no negotiation on the parliamentary system of government, multiparty democracy, the rule of law, civil rights and people’s sovereignty, (3) the guarantee of Parliamentary supremacy, (4) with the Army under the Parliament, and (5) a fully constitutional monarchy which allows the 'Majesty' title only for the king, the queen and the crown prince, which places the Prime Minister fourth in the hierarchy, and which abolishes the State Council (Raj Parishad). After the April 2006 uprising restored the parliament, Girija alienated the public by speaking of the "ceremonial king", the "baby king", and the "constitutional monarch". He wanted to save the monarchy at all cost, but the elected CA swept it away. History has given a slap to both the Gs: Gyanendra couldn’t retain his throne, Girija couldn’t become the first President. However, as an unflinching, though not flawless, democrat, Girija has our sympathy. And, the answer to our initial question is, “Probably!" This article was published in TKP on 10th February 2009 Newer...
Older...
Set as favorite Bookmark
Email This
Hits: 426 Comments (0)
 Write comment
|
|||
| Last Updated ( Monday, 16 February 2009 ) | |||
Till the successful April uprising in 2006, these two Gs dominated Nepali politics. The slim book, Simple Convictions: My Struggle for Peace and Democracy, consists of speeches and interviews Girija Prasad Koirala gave after King Gyanendra dismissed the "incompetent" Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba on October 4, 2002. With the elected executive out of the way, Gyanendra began hand-picking PMs to his liking. After February 1, 2005, he began to rule absolutely as the chairman with two deputies. 
Subscribe to this comment's feed
| < Prev | Next > |
|---|
